In March 2025, Administrator Zeldin announced that EPA will reconsider a number of regulations in order to advance various executive orders issued by President Trump and fulfill EPA’s own Powering the Great American Comeback Initiative. These efforts include the 2024 ambient air standard for particulate matter, the 2009 endangerment finding, and the scope of jurisdiction over ‘adjacent wetlands after the Supreme Court’s 2023 decision in Sackett.
In the Biden Administration, EPA lowered the National Ambient Air Quality Standard for particulate matter, the PM 2.5 NAAQS. The standard was reduced to levels that were close to background levels in some areas. EPA announced it is “revisiting” the lower standard because, among other things, the lower standard “raised serious concerns from states across the country and served as a major obstacle to permitting.”
So far, though, EPA has not issued a proposal to revisit the PM 2.5 NAAQS. It faces some hurdles in doing so. It must be done through the administrative rule-making process, which includes public notice and comment. Further, to survive judicial review, EPA must provide a reasoned explanation for the basis of the revision. EPA also stated it would “soon release guidance to increase flexibility on NAAQS implementation…and direction on permitting obligations.” However, these items have not yet been issued.
Carbon dioxide (CO2) is used to carbonate beverages and enhance plant growth. It has also been used for decades in enhanced oil recovery, in which CO2 is injected into oil- or gas-bearing formations to help extract oil and gas. Of course, many say that CO2 causes or contributes to climate change / global warming. In 2009, EPA issued its ‘endangerment finding’ in which EPA determined that current and projected concentrations of CO2 and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere threaten the public health and welfare of current and future generations.
The idea of capturing CO2 before it enters the atmosphere and using it or injecting it for perpetual storage, or sequestration, came about as a way to mitigate the anticipated impacts of climate change. To facilitate carbon capture, use, and storage (CCUS), Congress created the 45Q tax credit in the US Tax Code. Additionally, the Biden Administration touted CCUS as an important tool to address climate change. Even the prior Governor of Louisiana included it as a centerpiece of his climate strategy.
On January 20, 2025, the day of the inauguration, President Trump signed Executive Order 14154, Unleashing American Energy. Through the EO, President Trump seeks to “encourage energy exploration and production on Federal lands and waters … in order to meet the needs of our citizens and solidify the United States as a global energy leader long into the future.” He ordered an immediate review of “all existing regulations … and any other agency actions … to identify those agency actions that impose an undue burden on the identification, development, or use of domestic energy resources.” He further ordered that agencies must “expedite permitting approvals” to achieve this overall goal.
The relevant federal agencies have heard the call. Doug Burgum, the Secretary of the Interior, issued Order No. 3418 to implement the EO. In it, Secretary Burgum ordered steps be taken to reduce “barriers to the use of Federal lands for energy development” and that leases cancelled during the Biden Administration be reinstated. Chris Wright, the Secretary of the Department of Energy, criticized net-zero policies, stating that they threaten the reliability of our energy system and achieve “precious little in reducing global greenhouse gas emissions.” He resumed consideration of pending applications to export American liquefied natural gas (LNG). Towards that end, he announced a new export authorization for the Commonwealth LNG project proposed for Cameron Parish, Louisiana and provided an export permit extension for Golden Pass LNG Terminal, currently under construction in Sabine Pass, Texas
EPA is also involved. Administrator Zeldin announced an initiative, titled Powering the Great American Comeback, which included his ‘five pillars’ approach. The ‘pillars’ include Restoring American Energy Dominance and Permitting Reform, Cooperative Federalism, and Cross-Agency Partnership. Energy produced in America “is far cleaner than energy produced overseas” and is better for the environment because “we do it better here.” However, the cost and length of time to obtain necessary permits is a potential impediment to achieving these goals. EPA will “bring down that timeline [to] make sure it doesn’t take as long to get a permit.”
Administrator Zeldin also announced that EPA will reconsider over thirty regulations. These include the standards of performance for oil and gas facilities (Subparts OOOOb/c) and the effluent limitations guidelines and standards (ELGs) for wastewater discharges for oil and gas extraction facilities. EPA will also reconsider regulations on power plants (the Clean Power Plan 2.0).
Overall, though, perhaps the most important one is the reconsideration of the 2009 Endangerment Finding and all of the regulations and actions that rely on it. In the Endangerment Finding, EPA concluded that carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4), and other greenhouse gases threaten public health and welfare. While the Finding itself did not impose any requirements, it was a “prerequisite for implementing greenhouse gas emissions standards for vehicles and other sectors.” Secretary Wright stated that the Finding “has had an enormously negative impact on the lives of the American people. For more than 15 years, the U.S. government used the finding to pursue an onslaught of costly regulations – raising prices and reducing reliability and choice on everything from vehicles to electricity and more.”
In addition to its regulatory impact, EPA provided other reasons for the reconsideration. First, when EPA announced the Finding, it indicated that, by itself, it did not impose any costs and that EPA could not consider future costs when making the Finding. However, EPA has subsequently relied on the Finding as part of its justification for certain regulations with an aggregate cost of more than one trillion dollars. Second, the Finding itself acknowledged significant uncertainties in the science and assumptions used to justify the decision but EPA has never sought comment on major developments in innovative technologies, science, economics, and mitigation that may impact the Finding. Finally, major Supreme Court decisions, including Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, have provided new guidance on how EPA should interpret statutes to discern Congressional intent and ensure that its regulations follow the law.
EPA, and the other federal agencies reviewing their existing regulations and prior actions to implement the EO, must exercise some caution in changing policies. In very general terms, an agency must indicate an awareness that it is changing position, show that the new policy is permissible under the statute, indicate that the new policy is better, and provide reasons for adoption of the new policy. In light of Loper Bright, an agency would likely have to show that the new policy is not just permissible but in line with the ‘best reading’ of the statute. Overall, the agency must provide a reasoned explanation for the change. They must also follow the Administrative Procedure Act. To amend or revoke a rule, notice and comment are required and decisions are subject to judicial review. The reconsideration process will take some time and the outcome is not at all certain due to the ongoing threat of litigation.
An increased emphasis on the domestic production of oil and gas and a decline in regulatory burdens are certainly welcome to the oil and gas industry and those related industries that depend on fossil fuels. Oil and gas production, which is higher now than at the start of the pandemic (see figures below), can only reach new heights.
The second Trump Administration will likely usher in a pitched battle between its attempt to ‘roll-back the Biden Administration’s environmental rules and policies and environmentalists’ defense of those same rules and policies. The outcome is anything but clear.
The Biden Administration still has some time and power to cement its legacy. In this interim transition period, it can, among other things, deny requests for reconsideration of promulgated rules, grant petitions of objection to Title V permits, and seek expedited rulings in multiple court cases across the country. It can also finalize proposed rules and policies. However, those actions can be undone, delayed, or stymied once the Trump Administration assumes control of the EPA and the Department of Justice.
Once the Trump Administration is in place, there are any number of possibilities. Most importantly, President Trump has the power to issue executive orders. He can revoke, rescind, or amend any existing executive order issued by President Biden. He can also issue his own orders with new policies, guidance, and requirements. It is likely that prior executive orders regarding climate change and environmental justice will be targeted for revocation or revision.
Mr. Trump has picked Lee Zeldin, a former Congressman from New York, as the Administrator of EPA. In announcing the pick, Mr. Trump stated that Mr. Zeldin will “ensure fair and swift deregulatory decisions that will be enacted in a way to unleash the power of American businesses, while at the same time maintaining the highest environmental standards, including the cleanest air and water on the planet.” Mr. Zeldin stated that he would prioritize efforts to “roll back regulations” that have caused American businesses to struggle and would “restore US energy dominance … while protecting access to clean air and water.”
One possible regulatory ‘roll-back’ is the joint EPA and Corps of Engineers rule on “Waters of the United States,” which published in the wake of Sackett v EPA. That rule has been criticized for imposing jurisdiction on waters well beyond that allowed by the Supreme Court’s ruling. The EPA/Corps have also issued guidance which provides expansive interpretations of jurisdiction which the Corps is currently following. It is likely the scope of jurisdiction under Sackett will be codified in a rule and the EPA/Corps guidance, which retains an expansive view of jurisdiction, will be reissued to more properly align with Sackett.
Oil and gas industry interests have advocated for repeal of certain Inflation Reduction Act energy policies and the issuance of numerous executive orders relating to, among other things, prioritizing natural gas and liquefied natural gas exports, prioritizing American energy production, and requiring agency actions to align with statutory intent. Additionally, they have suggested modification of EPA’s methane emissions rules and greenhouse gas reporting requirements, modifying or repealing the methane fee implementation rule, revoking and replacing CEQ’s NEPA Phase 1 and Phase 2 rules, and revoking the SEC’s climate disclosure rule.
Further, other than those rules specifically required by statute, it is likely that EPA will not promulgate additional rules as expansive or far-reaching as have been proposed during the Biden Administration. The Trump Administration will also likely utilize the Supreme Court’s ruling in Loper Bright, which overruled Chevron and generally curtailed the application of deference to EPA’s interpretation of a statute, to provide a ‘best reading’ of an environmental statute that does not allow for expansive interpretations of the applicable statute.
However, these anticipated actions will not be met with silence or inaction. Environmentalists will use public pressure, the comment process, litigation, and any other methods or means at their disposal, to oppose, delay, or stop any possible ‘roll-backs’ by the Trump Administration. They did so with some success in the first Trump Administration and so have experience with opposing a Trump-controlled EPA. It has been reported that they anticipate a second Trump Administration to overreach in its actions and they will be ready to exploit any such errors.
The extent to which the second Trump Administration will be successful in moving away from the Biden Administration and imposing its own agenda is hard to predict. Regardless, as with the first Trump Administration, it promises to be a litigious and contentious time.
The global warming (or ‘climate change’) debate has heated up in the last several months, creating what may prove to be a break in the so-called consensus that man-made factors are the primary cause of global warming. Although global warming may have ‘paused’ over the last fifteen years and other causes have been suggested for warming trends, these recently released inconvenient truths have not stopped EPA’s zeal for regulation. Continue reading “Global Warming Pause’ Does Not Pause EPA’s Regulatory Efforts”→
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